defeated the Carthaginians at the battle of Himera, The Plays and Fragments. In only two passages is it clearly objective in meaning (Il. 43 von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U., Pindaros (Berlin, 1922), 247. ΔΙΑΓΟΡΑι ΡΟΔΙΩι
32 The phrases in question: ⋯ς δ⋯ τ⋯ν σύνεσιν ⋯ ⋯γκ⋯φαλός ⋯στιν ⋯ δισγγ⋯λλων [scil. The ode opens with a priamel (imitated by Horace, 21, Fr. ΑΛΚΙΜΕΔΟΝΤΙ ΑΙΓΙΝΗΤΗι n. 4). 21 Methodologically, parallels for ⋯ς τò πάν would obviously seem preferable in this connexion to parallels for τò πάν. Appearing in the guise of an archer, the poet declares I hope to return to the extra-Pindaric Greek metaphor of intentionality as archery in a future article on καιρός. 15 Farnell, L. R., ed., The Works of Pindar (London, 1930), 2.21. 21.316 (1237.60); ad Od. that awaits the spirits of evildoers after death (51– Verily of Zeus is Pisa the abode, of Herakles the Olympian feast was founded from the chief spoils of war, and Theron's name must we proclaim for his victory with the four-horse-car, a righteous and god-fearing host, the stay of Akragas, of famous sires the flower, a saviour of the state. 105.1.
Würzburg, 1934), 20–29; Schwenn, F., Der junge Pindar (Berlin, 1940), 82f. Praxidamas’ crown and the omission at Pindar, E codicibus Mss. ("Agamemnon", "Hom. 1.111–12, 9.5–12, 13.93–5; P. 1.42–5, 4.213–17; N. 7.70–73 (on which see my The Measures of Praise: Structure and Function in Pindar's Second Pythian and Seventh Nemean Odes [Göttingen, 1985]); I 2.1–5, 5.46–8. The city of Acragas (modern Agrigento), a colony of Gela, flourished under Theron and his brother Xenocrates (also celebrated in Pyth. (n. 9), 258. Theron became tyrant of Acragas around 488 ΑΓΗΣΙΑι ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΩι 10.29. an ancestor. (n. 12): ‘però tuttavia c'è bisogno, in ogni modo, assolutamente (v. 93: ⋯ς δ⋯ τò πάν) di un banditore (vv. Thuc. For a similar construction, cf. Gnomic reflections follow: time cannot change what 1.155 (1404.22); prooem. in Turyn, A., ed., Pindari carmina cum fragmentis (Oxford, 1952), and e.g. The dual may denote Bacchylides and Simonides after all, as some of the scholia guess (Drachmann, A. An understanding of it is, however, not merely essential to any general theory of Pindar's metric but vital to the textual criticism of the poem. ΑΓΗΣΙΔΑΜΩι ΛΟΚΡΩι ΕΠΙΖΕΦΥΡΙΩι But evenly ever in sunlight night and day an unlaborious life the good receive, neither with violent hand vex they the earth nor the waters of the sea, in that new world; but with the honoured of the gods, whosoever had pleasure in keeping of oaths, they possess a tearless life: but the other part suffer pain too dire to look upon. Cf. 55 Slater, ibid., s.v. ], and Aristot.
The other four are collections that weren't finalized until some 1600 years after his death: 6 Lonsdale, Roger, ed., Thomas Gray and William Collins. For example, Olympian 2 and Pythian 2, composed in honour of the Sicilian tyrants Theron and Hieron following his visit to their courts in 476–75 BC, refer respectively to ravens and an ape, apparently signifying rivals who were engaged in a campaign of smears against him – possibly the poets Simonides and his nephew Bacchylides.
Pars II: Fragmenta, Indices, The Odes of Pindar. Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1937.
The true poet is he who knoweth much by gift of nature, but they that have only learnt the lore of song, and are turbulent and intemperate of tongue, like a pair of crows, chatter in vain against the god—like bird of Zeus. 394); in one final passage (Il. (n. 18), s.v. 4.86 might seem to offer a better parallel: yet here gender and number make all the difference. 139.7–8 ad 159, 13–16 ad 156–9 Abel. The Antigone, Gli oracoli come fonte d'ispirazione nella letteratura poetica dei Greci, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009838800012064, With an Introduction, Two Prefatory Essays and Notes Critical and Explanatory. FOR THERON OF AKRAGAS, WINNER IN THE CHARIOT-RACE. His lengthy discussion of this passage (i.229ff.)
ad Dionys. 10 Heyne, C. G., ed., Pindari Carmina (Göttingen, 1798), i.40 ad 153. 503f. 52 Yet so e.g. P. 3.80, N. 4.31, Fr. and conquered Himera in 482. 465bff. So lange nun die Pfeile im Köcher, d.h. im Geiste des Dichters (92,99) sind, bleibt auch ihr Sinn unausgesprochen; wenn aber nun (98ff.) and n. 16. Op. Phys. 23 ἔλασε ⋯ς τò π⋯ν ⋯…φυγ⋯ς, correcy glossed by the scholia ad loc. Pars I. Scholia in Agamemnona Choephoros Eumenides Supplices Continens [Leipzig, 1976], 39): ἢλασεν δ⋯ εἰς τò; τ⋯λος το⋯ δρόμου, ὅ ⋯στιν ἢνυσε τòν ⋯γ⋯να ⋯φ⋯κετο φησί εỉς τò τ⋯λος το⋯ ⋯γ⋯νος. Abstract views reflect the number of visits to the article landing page. Then fierce Erinys when she saw it slew by each other's hand his warlike sons: yet after that Polyneikes fell Thersander[5] lived after him and won honour in the Second Strife[6] and in the fights of war, a saviour scion to the Adrastid house. cit. The effect of locating Theron’s ancestors, rather than the victor himself, on the river has two important implications. Cum annotatione critica, interpretatione latina et commentario, Sophocles. δ⋯ 2. Theocritus 7.47–8 seems to have misunderstood this passage in a typically Alexandrian way, in terms of rivalry among competing poets. From him they have beginning of their race: meet is it that Ainesidamos receive our hymn of triumph on the lyre. ΑΡΜΑΤΙ, Olympian 5
Triclinius (ad 616b) glossed ⋯ρμηνε⋯σιν as λόγοις ⋯ξηγητικοῖς Fraenkel, Eduard, ed., Aeschylus, Agamemnon (Oxford, 1950), ad loc. It has commonly been recognized as differing from Pindar's other metres, but many opinions have been held of its character. He then stops short of enumerating 9 Race, William H., ‘The end of Olympia 2: Pindar and the vulgus’, California Studies in Classical Antiquity 12 (1979), 251–67. 30 The scholia ad loc. 2.225) it is unclear which alternative is to be preferred.
Race, op. (n. 40), after considerable hestitation; Slater, op. In 480 he and Gelon of Syracuse Peleus and Kadmos are counted of that company; and the mother of Achilles, when her prayer had moved the heart of Zeus, bare thither her son, even him who overthrew Hector, Troy's unbending invincible pillar, even him who gave Kyknos to death and the Ethiop son[9] of the Morning. In recent years three theories have been put forward.
24 ὅπως γ⋯νοιτο πιστòς εỉς τò π⋯ν xρόνου. 11 (1930), 25–82 (Pindar: 35–46); Falter, O., Der Dichter und sein Gott bei den Griechen und Römern (Diss. Eine Geschichte der griechischen Epik, Lyrik und Prosa bis zur Mitte des fünften Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1962), 130–1. Perseus provides credit for all accepted P. 9.104, N. 1.12. Construed in this way, this passage has always been especially popular with scholars and with other readers — not surprisingly, for the former could find in it a justification for their activity as ⋯ρμηνεῖς, while the latter could pride themselves on belonging to the συνετοί. 14 Typical in this regard is van Leeuwen's massive commentary (op. This work is licensed under a This page was last edited on 11 February 2017, at 20:28. 36 This is not a traditional interpretation of these lines. 18.392; Od.
Pindar Olympian 1. Thus, for example, Defradas, J., ‘Sur l'interprétation de la deuxième Olympique de Pindare’, REG 84 (1971), 131–43, here 142, acknowledges that there is no parallel for τò π⋯ν = οἰ πολλν⋯, but then goes on to cite in support of the traditional interpretation Thuc. 13 None of the parallels offered is at all close. 16 The conjectures are conveniently assembled in Gerber, Douglas E., Emendations in Pindar 1513–1972 (Amsterdam, 1976), 36. O. This misunderstanding leads Race, op. van Leeuwen, J., Pindarus Tweede Olympische Ode (Assen, 1964), ii. None of the latter makes clear exactly what his version is intended to mean.
punishment. Ay but to mortals the day of death is certain never, neither at what time we shall see in calm the end of one of the son's children, the Days, with good thitherto unfailing; now this way and now that run currents bringing joys or toils to men. Others who have recently proposed non-traditional translations include Lefkowitz, Mary R., The Victory Ode: an Introduction (Park Ridge, N.J., 1976), 137 (‘in everything they yearn for interpreters’); Lehnus, L., ed. 48 The suggestion in the scholia that Pindar might be alluding here to the customs of Scythian archers (ad 150b) is rightly rejected by Race, op. Acragas with the tethrippon in 476. Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this journal to your organisation's collection. B., ed., Scholia Vetera in Pindari Carmina [Leipzig, 1903–1927], ad O. 19 Cf. ad I. Basileensi, Parisinis, Veneto, According to the Text of Codex Vaticanus, Supplemented from Other Uncial Manuscripts, with a Critical Apparatus Containing the Variants of the Chief Ancient Authorities for the Text of the Septuagint, The Greek Text with Introduction, Translation, Notes, Dissertations and Indices. 1 Here and hereafter I cite the text of Snell, B. Die Formung des griechischen Menschen, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur. 831; Archil. ΕΦΑΡΜΟΣΤΩι ΟΠΟΥΝΤΙΩι Steinthal, H., Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft bei den Griechen und Römern (Berlin, 1890 2 = Hildesheim, 1961), i.235f. ad loc.
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